316th
Meeting – Tuesday, October 13th 2009
A Book Talk and
Presentation by
Christina Fink
Summary
for Living Silence in Burma: Surviving
under Military Rule prepared by Christina
Living
in silence is unnatural in any society, but because of the oppressive
nature of
military rule in
First,
some background information:
In
2007, the regime increased gas prices dramatically without forewarning.
Monks
protested on behalf of the people, some of whom could literally no
longer
afford to take the bus to work. When
democracy activists joined the monks’ marches, the regime decided
to crack
down. Over 30 people were killed, and
far larger numbers were beaten and imprisoned.
In
early May 2008, Cyclone Nargis struck.
International aid workers were originally denied entry, but
later, with
international pressure, they were able to enter and carry out relief
and
recovery programs. Part of the reason
for the regime’s original resistance was that Than Shwe wanted to
go ahead with
a planned referendum on the new constitution which would institute a
military-led, semi-democratic government.
The referendum went ahead, amid widespread cases of intimidation
and
authorities voting for citizens.
Nevertheless, a significant proportion of the population was
ready to
vote for the constitution with the hope that the situation might
improve
slightly.
In
2009, the regime began preparing for elections to be held in 2010. Aung San Suu Kyi was sentenced to a further
18 months of house arrest for allowing an American intruder to stay
briefly at
her compound. This was a convenient
pretext for keeping her out of the election process.
Ethnic armed groups who had made ceasefire
agreements with the regime were also ordered to integrate into the
Burma Army
as border guard forces. One group which
refused was attacked and its headquarters overrun, and other groups are
preparing for attacks as well.
Part
1: Insecurity
The
military regime is obsessed with national security and sees everything
from a
security perspective, but virtually everyone’s lives, including
the generals, is
filled with insecurity.
In
urban areas, people feel insecurity, because they don’t know who
is listening
in to their conversations and might report them. University
students come under extra
surveillance because so many demonstrations have been started by them. In rural areas, people face great problems
with livelihoods security. They have
been compelled to engage in forced labor on roads and other projects,
the
authorities control the sale and movement of rice, and farmers are
often
ordered to grow certain crops which they do not want to grow. For instance, between 2006 and 2009, farmers
were ordered to grow jatropha (physic nut) for biodiesel, with no
information
about how to care for the plants or whether the seeds they produced
would ever
be purchased. In the conflict areas,
life is particularly insecure because the Burma Army targets civilians
rather
than the ethnic nationalist armies. All
civilians in conflict areas are considered the enemy, and terrible
human rights
abuses have taken place.
Business
people also suffer from insecurity because of the lack of rule of law. Contracts are not enforceable in court, and
compensation is generally not given for confiscated property. Even the regime’s cronies risk losing
everything if they are suspected of disloyalty or the general they have
made
business deals with loses power. While
the number of local and international NGOs has increased dramatically
in
response to the growing humanitarian crisis in
Meanwhile,
censors check the work not only of journalists and magazine writers,
but also
song lyrics, the designs of album covers, and artists’ paintings. Before an art exhibition can open, paintings
must be checked for anything that could be considered anti-government
or
reflecting the situation in the country in a bad light.
Any paintings deemed inappropriate must be
taken down.
The top
generals can also not guarantee their security, as Than Shwe had the
former
dictator, Ne Win, put under house arrest in 2002, and the former number
3 in
the regime, Khin Nyunt, arrested in 2004 and sentenced to 44 years in
prison
(later commuted to house arrest). As a
result, even top generals are afraid to report bad news to Than Shwe. There is no systematized procedure for
succession, and Than Shwe himself is worried about his future and the
security
of his family.
Part
2: The Situation is not black and white
While
it seems like the military and the people are very far apart, the
reality is
different. Many families contain both
military people and democracy supporters, and a surprising number of
young men
from the ethnic minorities join the Burma Army and end up being sent to
fight
their own people.
Within
the government, it is important to distinguish between the regime and
the civil
service. Many civil servants want to
do
a good job, and even some retired military people working at senior
levels of
the civil service are approachable.
However, they are not provided sufficient resources or pay,
leading many
to take on second jobs or engage in corruption.
Members
of the government-organized community service organizations are
compelled to
participate in mass rallies denouncing the pro-democracy movement and
ethnic
opposition, but many of the lower ranking people are sincere about
participating in community service activities.
The Myanmar Red Cross is a good example.
Meanwhile, high level business people may benefit from their
connections
with the regime but they are also acutely aware of regime’s
policy failures.
Although
soldiers seem to be clearly in the black category, their position is
difficult. Some were forced to join, and
even if they joined voluntarily, they are not allowed to quit. They tend to be treated very badly by
higher-ranking
officers. They are severely punished if
they disobey orders, and because the battalions are not provided with
rations,
they must confiscate villagers’ land or demand or steal food to
survive. They are also inadequately paid.
At a
personal level, people often shift their positions depending on the
situation. In times of greater
repression, people tend to be passive and dismissive of the opposition,
but in
times of greater opposition activity, many of the same people will
voice
support for activists or even join themselves.
Most people raise their children to go along with military rule,
and
even encourage their children to become military officers (or marry
military
officers), for their survival and security.
Part
3: An Analysis of Factors that could lead to change
The
vast majority of people in
The
ethnic nationalist groups and the democracy movement are closer in
their vision
for the future than in the past and have more contact with each other.
Many
hope that when Than Shwe dies, change will come. It
is true that he has been particularly
isolationist and hardline, but the system encourages a leadership style
linked
to fear and control. It should be noted
that people said the same thing before Ne Win died, but his death did
not lead
to political change. However, it is
possible that a new leading general may institute policies resulting in
gradual
change, at least with regard to the economy.
This will depend, however, on who Than Shwe’s successor is.
Some
hope that if economic sanctions on
Others
are looking to the planned 2010 elections and the implementation of the
2008
constitution. It must be emphasized that
the regime hopes to ensure continued control, and many provisions in
the
constitution protect the military’s power.
Nevertheless, there may be some opportunities.
The election campaign period may lead to
greater expectations for changes in certain policies, depending on how
free the
campaigning is (it may not be very free).
There will also be new dynamics at various levels of power, with
the
president and commander-in-chief potentially seeing each other as
rivals and a
mix of elected and appointed representatives in the parliament.
How
change will emerge in
After a
marathon question and answer session, the meeting adjourned to the
Alliance
Cafeteria where Christina was engaged in more informal conversation
over
drinks.